“As someone who loves history, I always wondered what it’s like to live through a real crisis. And this crisis pulled my purpose out of me: to show the world the Israeli perspective — because even though the world talks about Israel nonstop, the perspective I represent, what I would call the Israeli mainstream, is hardly ever shown.”
— says Oren Cahanovitch, an Israeli licensed tour guide and video creator, in this in-depth interview published on DRÓT in both Hungarian and English.
INTRODUCTION
I have been following the work of Oren Cahanovitch, an Israeli tour guide and video creator, on YouTube for quite some time now — in the hope that one day I will make it to Israel and Jerusalem and walk through the places he recommends in his videos. The interview below presents Oren’s way of thinking at a time when public discourse about Israel and the Middle East has become extremely polarized worldwide — including in Hungary.
Oren’s YouTube channel was originally created for foreign visitors, introducing the history, everyday life, and inner complexity of Israel and Jerusalem. After October 7, 2023, however, his work took a new direction: in his videos he responds more and more decisively — speaking from what he himself considers the mainstream perspective of Israeli society — to the various narratives circulating in international media and public opinion.
This interview does not seek consensus, nor does it aim to convince anyone. It does not claim to pronounce final truths. Its purpose is to present a strong, coherent, and for some readers potentially debatable Israeli perspective in its own internal logic. Oren’s statements are forceful in many places, and some readers may find them extreme or even provocative. Precisely for this reason, we felt it was important — after the first round of answers — to follow up with additional questions in order to nuance, clarify, and place his statements in a broader context. On a personal note, I am very grateful to Oren for his openness to dialogue and for his willingness to go deeper into sensitive topics as well.
The editorial intention of DRÓT — an arts and social-critical creative platform — is not to enforce agreement, but to foster understanding: to show how someone who lives within the conflict affecting Israel and the Jewish people thinks, and why he arrives at the conclusions he does. It is up to the reader to decide whether to challenge, reject, accept, understand, or further reflect on these ideas — whether reading this interview in Hungary or elsewhere. Our primary aim was to present and introduce a person whose work is dedicated to understanding and making Israel comprehensible from the inside.
Weiner Sennyey Tibor
and the editors of DRÓT
Israel From the Inside
Oren Cahanovitch, an Israeli tour guide and video creator
DRÓT: If I understand correctly, you originally trained and worked as a tour guide (and perhaps still do). Could you tell us how you became a tour guide, a bit about your family background, and what you studied?
OREN: Yes. I’m a licensed tour guide. Over the past two years I haven’t been guiding, but I still keep my license active and renew it every year. (In Israel, to become a tour guide you have to complete a two-year training course, and then do a one-day professional refresher once a year.) I have a BA in History, and when I started my MA in Land of Israel Studies, I decided to take the tour guide course as well. For me it was the perfect combination: being outdoors, and getting to talk about history and archaeology all day.
DRÓT: Among your earlier videos there were already some that addressed the complexity of Israeli society, but for a long time your channel mainly helped foreign visitors orient themselves in Israel and Jerusalem. Is it fair to say that this was the original concept of the channel?
OREN: I started the channel because I saw that there were so many very basic things people traveling to Israel kept asking about—and there wasn’t reliable information online. When it comes to hotels, tours, and flights, there’s tons of information, because that’s where the money is. But when it comes to things like the history of specific places, public transportation, or what you can actually do on a Saturday in Jerusalem—on those topics there just wasn’t trustworthy information. So I stepped into that niche.
DRÓT: One of my personal favorites among your earlier videos is the one about public toilets in Jerusalem (which I often recommend to others): It offers, with humor and empathy, a glimpse into a very complex and tension-filled world. Which of your earlier videos would you highlight today, and why?
OREN: I love that video too—and unfortunately it didn’t do well. I honestly thought it would hit half a million views, and it got stuck at around 50,000. Two earlier videos I’d highlight today are the one about what you can learn about Israeli society from a visit to a supermarket, and the one about what Israelis think about Jesus. Both deal with topics that seem almost “basic” on the surface, but they’re actually fascinating—and there’s barely any information about them out there, at least not in a clear and reliable way.
DRÓT: After October 7, 2023 – following the Hamas terror attack and the outbreak of the war – the content of your channel changed noticeably, focusing much more on questions raised repeatedly in international media and public discourse. Why did you feel it was important to speak out at that moment? What changed in you as a creator and as a citizen?
OREN: Even before the war, I already had a few videos that touched on these kinds of issues. But when I saw the way the media was distorting what was happening—and how it was covering all the protests—I just started making more videos about it. My army unit was disbanded eight years ago, so for me this was my way of contributing. Also, there wasn’t any work in guiding at the time, and there was massive demand for this kind of content. And interestingly, even though my content isn’t aimed at Israelis, suddenly a lot of Israelis started getting interested in the history of the conflict.
DRÓT: How would you describe the relationship between Israel and Gaza, and between Israel and the Palestinians, before October 7 – and what, in your view, fundamentally changed afterwards?
OREN: I’ll say something that might surprise you—though maybe not that much. Not that much has changed. Both before October 7 and after, most Gazans want to destroy the State of Israel. Hamas, the movement that represents the majority of Gazans, is a religious movement. It’s not a nationalist movement. They’re part of the Muslim Brotherhood—an Islamist movement whose goal is to establish a global Islamic caliphate. In the West, religion is seen as something private: one person is an atheist, another is Catholic, another is Protestant. But in Muslim society, the primary component of identity is religion. And in the West, people not only don’t understand that—they actively don’t want to understand it, because it contradicts the preferred narrative.
DRÓT: What do you see as the most critical misunderstandings, misleading narratives, or one-sided portrayals in the international media (for example on the BBC or Al Jazeera) that made you feel it was important to respond?
OREN: You have to separate Al Jazeera and the BBC. Al Jazeera and Hamas are basically on the same side. The Qatari government is one of the main financial backers of the Muslim Brotherhood, and Al Jazeera is constantly focused on Israel. Even if you go to their website right now, you’ll find a negative headline about Israel, and Gazans will be portrayed as helpless victims. Their obsessive fixation on Israel is part of a broader agenda: keeping levels of hatred toward Israel high in the Muslim world—and beyond. The BBC represents a kind of left-leaning media as well, and it often relies on Hamas reports as if they were established facts.
DRÓT: In Europe and the Western world today, the term “Zionism” often carries a negative connotation and is frequently interpreted as a form of colonialism. Why do you think this has happened? What does Zionism mean to you, historically and personally?
OREN: Zionism is the national movement of the Jewish people that aspired to establish a Jewish state in the historical homeland. Zionism began in the late 19th century, at a time when many national movements were emerging. It’s really not that unique.
The identification of Zionism with racism and colonialism started as Soviet propaganda. The Soviet Union initially supported the creation of the State of Israel, but once Israel began moving closer to the West, the Soviets saw Israel as a pressure point through which they could attack the West. In the 1990s this trend intensified, with Qatar pouring massive amounts of money into leading universities around the world. This “red–green alliance” — between the political left and Islamists — looks pretty strange at first glance. After all, the left is secular and claims to support women’s rights and gay rights, while the Islamic world is very religious and strongly opposed to women’s rights and gay rights. But what connects them is a shared hatred of anything Western and democratic.
DRÓT: In a recent video you commemorated the Israeli archaeologist Gabriel Barkay, who was born in the Budapest ghetto in 1944 and passed away in Israel in January 2026 at the age of 81. During his life he made significant archaeological discoveries related to the Temple Mount, which were also discussed in Hungarian publications. Why do you consider his work especially important? What do you think his research revealed about the history of the Temple Mount?
OREN: An archaeologist never knows what he’s going to find when he starts a dig—and in Gabriel Barkay’s case, luck was on his side. He discovered what is considered the oldest biblical inscription ever found to date: a tiny amulet that a Jew wore in Jerusalem about 2,700 years ago. That’s extraordinary. It contains verses from the Bible that are still being recited today. But beyond that, Barkay was also the driving force behind the Temple Mount Sifting Project. In 1999, the Waqf—the Islamic authority that administers the site—carried out a massive excavation on the Temple Mount, the holiest site in Judaism. And in order to remove evidence, they hauled away something like 400 truckloads of soil and dumped it at a landfill. Barkay discovered what was happening and launched the project to sift through the discarded earth—and from that soil, thousands of archaeological artifacts have been recovered.
DRÓT: In several of your videos you argue that Palestinian national identity, as we understand it today, took shape mainly in the second half of the 20th century, especially from the 1960s onward. What historical arguments or sources do you base this claim on? At the same time, do you think that an identity which emerges later can still become real and deeply meaningful?
OREN: This isn’t even my claim — it’s the historical record. There isn’t a single Arab leader who used the word “Palestinians” in 1948, or even in the 1950s. Only in the 1960s did the term start being used to describe the Arabs who lived in the area. Anyone can define themselves however they want. But you can’t invent history. If nobody used the word “Palestinians” before the 1960s, then it’s a strong indication that they didn’t exist as a people in the way the term is used today. And I would add this: the goal of Palestinian identity, as it has been shaped politically, isn’t to build a successful, advanced Palestinian state — it’s the destruction of Israel. And again, that’s not just my opinion. Read Hamas’s charter — their foundational document. The phrase “Palestinian state” doesn’t even appear in it, while the word “Islam” appears around 130 times. This is a struggle of Islam against non-Muslims. They market it to the West as a national struggle of “Palestinians,” but in reality they have always opposed the existence of a Jewish state, no matter how small it is. The very existence of a Jewish state inside a Muslim region is something they are not willing to accept. It’s important to understand that, from their perspective, Islam is meant to replace Judaism and Christianity. And they’re not willing to accept the fact that Jews — whom they see as inferior — managed to establish sovereignty. They simply can’t accept it.
DRÓT: How do you see today’s relationship between Palestinians and Israeli society? How do you view the relationship between Palestinians and the wider Arab world? And how do Palestinians, in your view, appear in Western public opinion? How do you see Israel’s role and position in the Middle East today? Do you see any long-term chance that Israel could be accepted by the Arab world?
OREN: The media loves obsessing over Israel — and because of that, it misses the bigger story. The struggle isn’t really between Israel and the Muslim world. It’s between Islamism and anyone who isn’t Muslim, or who is simply different. Take the persecution of Christians as an example: the Middle East used to have millions of Christians — in Turkey, Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt. Most of them are gone. Kurds and Druze are being persecuted in Syria today. And almost all the countries where it’s worst to be gay or Christian are Muslim-majority countries. The world is obsessed with Israel instead of talking about Islamism. And sadly, we got another reminder of that just last week, when the world stayed relatively quiet while Iran’s Islamist regime carried out a massacre — with reports speaking of tens of thousands killed.
DRÓT: In several of your answers you describe the conflict primarily in terms of Islamism versus non-Muslims, and you often speak about “the Muslim world” in very broad terms. How do you personally distinguish between Islam, Islamism, and the many different Muslim-majority societies? Are there any trends, voices, or places within the Muslim world that you find genuinely encouraging — or at least potential partners for a different future?
OREN: I’m not an expert on Muslim societies, but when you look at the bigger picture, the reality is pretty clear. Levels of violence — against women, against minorities, against gay people — are very high in much of the Muslim world. Does that mean all Muslims are more violent? Obviously not. But it’s the same as saying that men are more violent than women. Does that mean every man is violent? No. Does it mean there are no violent women? No. And does talking about it mean I “hate all men”? No. But just like we can agree that men are more violent than women because it’s true everywhere you look, I’d say the same applies here. From what I know, in basically every country in the world, synagogues need protection from Muslim attackers and their supporters. If you know of a place where mosques need protection because people are afraid Jews will attack them, I’d genuinely like to hear about it.
DRÓT: You have devoted a separate video to the Nakba, which the Palestinian narrative describes as a historical catastrophe. From your perspective, what actually happened in 1948, and how should this period be discussed today?
OREN: In 1947, the UN proposed that, in order to reach peace, the territory of the British Mandate would be divided into two states: a Jewish state and an Arab state. (It’s important to notice that—an Arab state, not a “Palestinian” one. Why? Because in 1948 there was no such thing as “Palestinians” in the sense the term is used today.) The Arabs said no and launched a war against the Jewish community. It’s important to say clearly: there’s no real dispute about this basic sequence of events. No one can seriously claim that the Jews started the war, or that the Arabs agreed to any partition plan. From day one the Arab position was: there will be no Jewish state. During the war, 6,000 Jews were killed in battle—about one percent of the Jewish population at the time. Almost no Jew who fell into Arab hands survived, except in two cases. And no Jewish community remained standing in areas captured by the Arab forces. Around 700,000 Arabs fled from the territory that became the Jewish state—though about 60,000 Arabs stayed and later became citizens of the State of Israel. Was the war a disaster for the Arabs? Yes. Were civilians killed as well? Of course. But they started the war. And by the way: at the end of World War II, 14 million Germans were forced to leave their homes because borders changed after the war. I don’t remember the world being obsessed with those Germans. In those same years—roughly 1945 to 1950—tens of millions of people left their homes because new borders were being drawn across the world after the collapse of the British and French empires. But for some reason, the world focuses almost exclusively on Arab refugees.
DRÓT: From Hungary, it may appear that the war between Israel and Gaza has perhaps ended with a ceasefire. Has it really ended? What could “ending” such a war realistically mean?
OREN: This round is over. But it’s only a matter of time until there’s another round. As long as hundreds of millions of Muslims are being raised and educated on hatred of Israel and on the desire to destroy the State of Israel, nothing will fundamentally change.
DRÓT: Many reports suggest that antisemitism and antisemitic crimes have increased significantly worldwide in recent years. What do you see as the main reasons behind this rise?
OREN: I think the war in Gaza showed many Jews around the world that hatred of Jews still exists—and that it’s still very strong. A lot of Jews who believed that hatred of Israel, or antisemitism, was something that belonged to the past suddenly realized it’s still here.
DRÓT: Since October 7, many people have spoken about deep internal fractures within Israeli society, and about debates concerning the state of Israeli democracy. What kinds of internal tensions and divisions do you see today in Israel – including among Arab (Christian and Muslim) Israeli citizens – and are there still core principles on which most of society agrees?
OREN: The war didn’t really change the internal tensions inside Israeli society. The main fault line today is essentially: pro-Bibi versus anti-Bibi. What used to be framed as “right vs. left” has largely shifted into that. And another major divide remains the tension between secular Israelis and the Orthodox community.
DRÓT: You mentioned the tension between secular Israelis and the Orthodox — especially the ultra-Orthodox — community as a major internal divide. From your perspective, what are the deeper reasons this issue has become so central in Israel today (historically, socially, and politically)? And do you see any realistic path forward, even a partial one?
OREN: The tension between the ultra-Orthodox and secular Israelis has been part of Jewish society here since even before the state was founded. In 1948, Ben-Gurion approved an exemption for 400 ultra-Orthodox men — from communities that had been devastated in the Holocaust — so they wouldn’t have to enlist in the IDF and could study Torah instead. That arrangement more or less held until 1977, when the Likud came to power and the numbers started to explode. Today, there are tens of thousands of ultra-Orthodox men who don’t serve in the army and don’t work, and they live off state allowances. It’s an old problem, but in the last two years — because of the war, and because of the ultra-Orthodox community’s very high birth rate — it’s more relevant than ever. If things stay the way they are and the ultra-Orthodox share of Israeli society keeps growing, Israel will collapse.
DRÓT: Are there Israeli policies or actions with which you personally find it difficult to identify, or which you believe may harm Israel in the long run?
OREN: There are many things the state does that I strongly oppose. First, the fact that large parts of the ultra-Orthodox community don’t work and don’t serve in the army. Second, the fact that the government and the courts are too powerful, while the Knesset is too weak. Third, the level of Arab-sector crime inside the State of Israel. I think those are the three central issues.
DRÓT: How do you see Israel’s relationship with Jewish and Jewish-descended communities living in the diaspora in the coming years?
OREN: I think the war in Gaza showed many Jews around the world that hatred of Jews still exists—and that it’s still very strong. A lot of Jews who believed that hatred of Israel, or antisemitism, was something that belonged to the past suddenly realized it’s still here.
DRÓT: How do you personally view the future of Europe and the Western world? (Including, if you wish, how relations between the Judeo-Christian world and the Islamic/Arab world might evolve.)
OREN: I think Western Europe is going to collapse. The combination of Muslim immigration, the fact that birthrates among European women are plummeting, and the fact that immigrants aren’t being required to integrate will mean that within two more generations, Western Europe will start to look like Syria or Yemen. You can already see it now—there are parts of Belgium, France, and England that look and feel like Muslim countries.
DRÓT: You say that you believe Western Europe is heading toward collapse within a couple of generations. What would you consider the key indicators that would confirm this trajectory? And conversely, what kinds of political, social, or cultural changes could still — in your view — prevent this outcome? In other words: what would a more hopeful European scenario require?
OREN: The only chance to save Western Europe is to change its mindset. The idea of multiculturalism has failed — or, as I like to put it: I’m multicultural about all the unimportant things — food, clothing, music. But when it comes to the things that actually matter, you have to be crystal clear about your core values: democracy, free speech, women’s rights. If it offends you that women dress how they want, or that people can joke about your religion — then go back to Yemen, Afghanistan, or whatever “wonderful” country you came from.
DRÓT: This whole situation, the war, and your very intense period of video-making — how has it changed your life personally? Did you really start doing all this because you’re a “low-ranking Mossad agent”, as you sometimes joke?
Or was it all just part of an elaborate plan to finally make it to Wisconsin?
OREN: And as for how the war affected me personally: honestly, it affected most Israelis far more than it affected me. I’m too old, and my kids are too young, so I don’t have close family members who were drafted. I live in the desert, so I wasn’t evacuated like many people in the north, and we also didn’t have many rocket sirens in my area. So compared to most Israelis, the war has barely affected my day-to-day life. Before the war, I’d spend about 80% of my time making videos and 20% guiding tours — and since the war started, I’ve basically been doing videos 100% of the time. On a deeper level, I’ll say this: as someone who loves history, I always wondered what it’s like to live through a real crisis. And this crisis pulled my purpose out of me. To show the world the Israeli perspective — because even though the world talks about Israel nonstop, the perspective I’m presenting, which is the Israeli mainstream, is hardly ever shown.
DRÓT: Where do you think Israel will stand in the next 25 years?
OREN: Golda Meir said that pessimism is a luxury a Jew can’t afford. We’ll be in a good place.
DRÓT: Finally, do you see any realistic solution to the Middle Eastern conflict – and if so, in what direction?
OREN: There’s no realistic solution. Only when the Muslim world changes—when it becomes democratic and liberal—will there be peace. Until that happens, there won’t be peace.
Interview by: Weiner Sennyey Tibor
Special thanks: Virág Balogi, Zoltán Békés, and Tillmann J. A.
